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On his first official trip overseas, Carney supplied his critics with plenty to make the case that he is not the Anointed One after all
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The tightening of the polls in Canada signals a leap of faith by voters who were disenchanted with the candidates on offer and have been persuaded by the idea that Mark Carney is the Messiah.
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But election campaigns are won by candidates who convince people they deserve supporters’ loyalty, support and, most importantly, trust.
The Conservatives are trying to torpedo the new prime minister’s trust-building by labelling him “sneaky” Mark Carney.
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The success or failure of such attempts depend on whether the candidate validates the claims through their behaviour.
On his first official trip overseas this week, Carney supplied his critics with plenty of ammunition to make the case that he is not the Anointed One after all.
Very few people who have shifted allegiance into the Liberal column can possibly know much about Carney’s character, beyond the surface impressions made during a leadership campaign that left him untested.
His first days as prime minister have proven to be a far stiffer examination of his political chops. And it is fair to say, they did not go to plan.
It was a smart move to head to Europe, and then to Nunavut, as his first trip to reinforce the symbolism of British, French and Indigenous heritage.
Critics looking for something to carp about wondered why he didn’t go south? But to what purpose? To kowtow to Donald Trump at Mar-A-Lago and be insulted?
Carney’s tone on the U.S. file is fitting: resolute, patient and polite, but demanding reciprocal respect.
In Nunavut on Tuesday, he said Canada will be ready for a broader conversation on trade and security when Trump is ready.
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The tariff situation in Washington will be resolved in Washington over concerns about America’s economy, or it won’t.
Carney’s job is to hope for the best and prepare for the worst, which he did in Paris.
He said in his media availability at Canada House in London that he and French president Emmanuel Macron talked about the potential for new defence supply chains that could see, for example, the production of European fighter jets in Canada to replace the bulk of the 88 F-35 jets the air force has ordered from the U.S.
Seasoned politicians know they are always on show and that they can never lose their temper
The visit to the Elysée Palace was a success; both Carney and Macron subscribe to the theory that a career in politics is no preparation for government, having both worked as investment bankers and senior public servants before moving into political life later in their careers. Their kindred nature was apparent in the hug as they met.
The meetings in London with King Charles and British prime minister Keir Starmer were far less chummy.
We are left to take Carney’s word for it that the King is a “steadfast defender” of Canada; publicly, the monarch was silent on the matter, though he did wear a red tie.
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Starmer refused to condemn Trump’s “51st state” comments when he met the U.S. president in the White House earlier this month and he and Carney did not hold a joint media availability after their meeting.
The new Canadian prime minister talked about shared values and a shared sovereign but it is clear that to Starmer, a friend in need is a pain in the arse.
Carney waved away the lack of public support by saying that Canada does not need another country to validate its sovereignty.
It is fair to say Carney looked like a good statesman.
He has the physical side mastered: he makes the clasp and hold greeting look uncontrived.
And he looks the part when he emerges from the government Airbus, waving to a desultory band of bored photographers.
Substantively, he is planning ahead, setting causes in motion and wielding the machinery of government with a purpose in view.
But he is not a born politician for whom power is meat, drink, work and hobby.
Seasoned politicians know they are always on show and that they can never lose their temper.
Yet, in his press conference at Canada House, Carney was asked about the blind trust into which he has put his personal assets. He said he has followed the rules set by the ethics commissioner and has done so ahead of time.
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It was pointed out by the Globe’s Stephanie Levitz that he will campaign in the upcoming federal election and Canadians won’t know about potential conflicts of interest before then.
It was a legitimate point, but a tired and cranky looking Carney took exception to being harried in ways that he would not have experienced as a central banker. “What possible conflict could you have?” he responded in exasperation.
It is a fact of political life that any elected official who loses his cool with reporters is then set upon like a hapless wildebeest amid hyenas in a particularly graphic wildlife film.
The CBC’s Rosemary Barton weighed in. “There’s no possible conflict of interest in your assets? That’s very difficult to believe,” she said.
Carney retained his composure, but his displeasure was evident. “Look inside yourself, Rosemary. You start from a prior of conflict and ill-will,” he said.
Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre can insult the media. (In fact, he gets lauded for it by people who think True North’s reporting on the new prime minister’s eldest child is cutting edge reportage).
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But politicians seeking support from a broader audience need to go back to the advice of the greats for guidance.
Really successful politicians detach their private self from the insults and reverses of public life, as if it was happening to someone else, according to the Roman statesman, Marcus Tullius Cicero. He also suggested that politicians render every issue, however complex, into a story anyone can grasp.
Carney should watch the tape of his responses and ask if he did that.
Campaigns are about character. As they weigh up who to trust, voters question whether the candidate is like them. In Carney’s case, the answer is probably not helped by owning reservoirs of wealth. Even worse for him, past history suggests that Canadians have tended to view expertise with suspicion, preferring to be moved by mood more than logic.
This time could be different: anxiety may be so intense across the country that proficiency and know-how are back in fashion.
It may be that the public wants a statesman who is planning for the next generation, not a professional politician planning for the next news cycle.
Carney had best hope so because he remains very much a work in progress.
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